It never hurts to go back to May 9, 1978, the day Aldo Moro, then president of the Christian Democrats, the great Italian political force, was assassinated. He had just reached an agreement of his own with the Communist Party so that it would support the Government of Giulio Andreotti from outside.

On March 16, the Red Brigades kidnapped him. Before they took care of liquidating the five bodyguards who protected him in an impressive shootout. Marco Bellocchio recreates it in Exterior noche, a miniseries that addresses those long and dramatic days from different points of view —that of the then Minister of the Interior, Francesco Cossiga; that of Pope Pius VI; that of two of the terrorists; Eleonora’s, Moro’s wife—and that reveals the tragic tears produced by that plan of that group of young people who were already gaining notoriety for their determined commitment to ending bourgeois power. One of those tears was the one suffered by Christian politicians when they leaned towards reason of state over piety, the cornerstone of their beliefs and, therefore, of their lives and decisions. The greatest blow was suffered by his family, after endless days of anguish and desolation, of fury and impotence. The murky backdrop: the interests of the United States and the Soviet Union. of their lives and decisions. The greatest blow was the one suffered by his family, after endless days of anguish and desolation, of fury and impotence. The murky backdrop: the interests of the United States and the Soviet Union. of their lives and decisions. The greatest blow was the one suffered by his family, after endless days of anguish and desolation, of fury and impotence. The murky backdrop: the interests of the United States and the Soviet Union.

The impression produced by the miniseries is that Aldo Moro was not going to get out alive in any way. It was too difficult for those in power to bear costs and too prosaic to let him go for terrorists who wanted to punish his enemies. So there was also some tear between the brigadistas. A girl, who thought it was a mistake to kill Moro, has an argument with her partner. Do you really think we’re going to win? he asks her. She tells him that she has left her daughter to make the revolution. He tells her that they can rebel, shoot, kill, die, but she finds it impossible to imagine a socialist Italy. So why the death of those escorts? And he confesses that her true passion is not the revolution, that his thing is to transgress, disobey, that he doesn’t like to be given orders.

A May 1978 issue of El viejo topo, which since then has been collecting the voices of the left, serves to get closer to the atmosphere of those moments in which some young people killed at point blank range that man who worked to seek different consensuses. The central theme was to remember, ten years later, what the outbreak that shook different parts of the world in 1968 had meant. It was “a breach that broke and upset everything”, “the old world could no longer hold on anywhere” says Daniel Cohn-Bendit. The left could not hide the failure of the Soviet Union, China, Cuba and those despotic regimes that had betrayed the projects of a better world. And he tried to try new paths.

The one chosen by the Red Brigades recalled the advice of the Russian Sergei Nechayev —the revolutionary “is an implacable enemy of this world,” he said—, who in the 19th century celebrated destruction for destruction’s sake, the maximum coldness and determination to liquidate the enemy . So they kidnapped Moro, referred to a town trial that they said sentenced him to death, and shot him dead.